Sudan War: Egypt, Turkey and Eritrea’s Military Ties to Al-Burhan Under Scrutiny

Sudan War regional military ties

The war has now become Sudan’s and at the same time more and more linked with regional military and economic interests of Egypt, Turkey, Eritrea. Sudan War regional military ties, External military support to either side, arms buying and cross-border supply lines have played a part in the conflict since the outbreak of fighting in April 2023 between the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF). Army chief Gen. Abdel Fattah al-Burhan is bolstering ties with governments with strategic interests in Sudan and the broader Horn of Africa.

The Sudanese military has reportedly received logistical support from Egypt, while Turkish made combat drones have reportedly been handed over to the military and Eritrea was reported to have backed SAF forces. Sudanese agricultural resources also are reportedly tied to military deals with Egypt, and supply lines in the region could be in conflict with new civil war in the Tigray region of Ethiopia. But there is much more variability in the evidence and what is said about the existence of secret agreements may be different from what is documented.

Egypt’s Support for the SAF and the Agricultural Land Allegation

Egypt has been close to Sudan’s military leadership and stability along its southern border was a key objective of its foreign policy. It has interests in border security, Nile water politics, access to Sudan’s agricultural resources etc.

In February 2026, Reuters revealed based on satellite imagery that the airstrip in Egypt, known as East Oweinat, was home to Turkish weapons known as Bayraktar Akinci combat drones, roughly 60 kilometres from Sudan. Security officials in Egypt have admitted, off the record, that the SAF has received logistical and technical support from the Egyptian authorities, but Cairo put the military equipment at southern airports down to the need for “security protection of the country”.

Another aspect of the relationship is through agricultural cooperation. Egypt and Sudan held a meeting on September 16, 2026 to consider joint agricultural initiatives in Sudan and cooperation in strategic crops and food security. The talks were endorsed in an official announcement by Egypt’s Ministry of Water Resources and Irrigation.

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These developments have led to rumours that al-Burhan sold agricultural land to Egypt for military assistance. The published statement, however, fails to link the proposed agricultural projects with the deliveries of weaponry and military aid. In the sources analysed so far, no independent verification of an agreement leading to such exchange can be found. As such, the allegation of a land-for-military-support deal is still to be proven.

Turkish Military Equipment and Egypt’s Role in Supply Routes

Turkey has established its defence industry as an increasingly crucial component of its military capabilities through the SAF. In an investigation published in March 2025, The Washington Post revealed that the Turkish defence industry manufacturer Baykar has sold the Sudanese military at least $120 million in arms, such as Bayraktar TB2 drones and hundreds of warheads. Documents, communications, financial information, and flight-tracking information were used in the investigation.

The use of these types of equipment has also been under scrutiny because of their movement. An Al Jazeera investigation in February 2026, based on conflict researchers’ findings, has revealed that Turkish drones have been getting to the SAF via Egypt, and that Eritrea has been a transit point for military equipment travelling to Port Sudan. The results of this research offer reasons to explore the function of regional logistics networks in the maintenance of the Sudanese army.

The Egyptian support reported and the proximity of Sudanese border of Turkish-made drones reinforce the apprehension of the procurement-transit-operational support nexus. But the specific duties of each government in regards to individual deliveries are not fully recorded.

It’s a big deal. Provision of drones and drone equipment will enhance the SAF’s surveillance and strike capabilities, which could alter the calculations on the battlefield and make a negotiated outcome of the conflict more challenging.

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Eritrea’s Expanding Cooperation With the Sudanese Army

Eritrea is also a key player in the regional security landscape of Sudan. In May 2026 Chatham House reported that Eritrea had been training and hosting pro-SAF militias in eastern Sudan. It also underscored the need for the cross-border logistical networks to continue sustaining the conflict.

The possibility that Eritrea stands a chance to act as a corridor for military supplies will also provide the SAF with alternative ways to acquire weapons. Furthermore, such possibility can have an influence on the transformation of Asmara’s western frontier and the Red Sea due to the activities of al-Burhan.

These interests are shared with broader Ethiopia-related interests. Eritrea has always had security fears regarding its neighbour, while Ethiopia’s quest for access to the Red Sea has added to the competition in the region. But militia training and supply transit does not necessarily mean that Eritrea was directly involved in the fighting in Sudan.

The Tigray Connection: Allegations of Regional Military Support

Tigrayan troops have also raised fresh fears of the potential regional spilt overs of Sudan’s conflict, as the fighting has spread to Eritrea and Sudan.

In May 2026, Chatham House assessed the situation in Ethiopia and reported that the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) and Eritrea had improved ties and even with the SAF. Tigrayan reinforcements from eastern Sudan were also reported to have fought with the Sudanese army, it added. The moves are part of the picture of an evolving competition between Ethiopia, which could see its conflict cross paths with the Sudan conflict.

In his September 28, 2026 letter, Ethiopia’s army chief blamed Eritrea for mobilising financial resources for the TPLF, and hinted that Sudan and Egypt may also be involved. He didn’t offer evidence to back up the sweeping claims, however. The Associated Press reports that Eritrea and Sudan have denied that Ethiopia was responsible for the conflict, alleging they were provoked.

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There are no verified reports in the reporting period that Eritrea has provided military support to Tigrayan troops backed by Egyptian troops. No evidence of political alignment or cooperation between the SAF and the Tigray front is sufficient to prove that Egypt facilitated delivery of the arms to the front.

Regional Alliances Could Prolong Sudan’s War – Sudan War regional military ties

Egypt and Turkey have varying strategic interests; nonetheless, both have asserted ties with the SAF that result in military and logistical overlaps.Although the countries have different strategic interests, the reported ties with the SAF introduce military and logistical overlaps between Egypt and Turkey. Egypt wants security at the borders, access to the Nile, cooperation in agriculture, while Turkey is interested in selling defence stuff and Eritrea has interests in enhancing its position in the Horn of Africa.

The evidence is compelling evidence to seriously consider external military aid to al-Burhan’s forces. But it does not prove that the three countries engaged in a unified and coordinated alliance, or that the claims of a land exchange for agriculture or deliveries to Tigray by Egyptians have been substantiated.

The main issue is whether the regional military cooperation would help enhance the SAF’s situation on the battlefield and exacerbate tensions in northeastern Africa. There is a need to establish facts about the transfers, training and economic arrangements for the weapons, to gauge if these are helping or hindering the peace process in Sudan.

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Khalid Al Mansoori is a political analyst and journalist who covers GCC diplomacy, Arab League affairs, and regional developments in the Middle East.